план Даллеса. Но достаточно спросить себя(верующих в то что план сработал спрашивать бесполезно, как впрочем любых верующих в хз чего) как можно было претворять такой план в 60 е 70 е и даже начале 80 х годов. Когда куча организаций начиная от пионерской и заканчивая КГБ бдили чтобы тлетворное влияние Запада не оказывало влияние на советских людей.
Ответ практически никак.
Если вы ответите что план Даллеса сработал потому что нынче есть всё о чем там говорится попробуйте ещё раз прикинуть КАК, КАКИМИ СПОСОБАМИ можно было осуществить такой план. Если вы не понимаете в чёи тут разница значит фальшивка для вас))
Я по секрету тебе расскажу, что план Даллеса придумал Даллес! Это для тебя будет открытием, примерно таким же как то, что полонез Огинского написал Огинский
есть вопросы связанные с верой на которые верующий не то что ответить он их даже осознать не может потому что это может разрушить их веру.
Вы же неспособны прямо ответить
"как можно было претворять такой план в 60 е 70 е и даже начале 80 х годов."?
Ps не исключено что отот "план" совершенно неработоспособный придумали в ЦРУ для выбивания денег. Там приколисты ещё те. Один план по лишению Фиделя кастро бороды и шевелюры чего стоит))) Но скорее всего это отечественная разработка. Ещё фантаст Беляев вывел образ американской шпионки которая попутно обучает советскую молодёжь иностранным танцам... "Сегодня ты танцуешь джаз а завтра родину продашь" и прочие речёвки не в ЦРУ придумали
Спасибо вы уже показали как на вас влияет вера)))
Вы же неспособны прямо ответить
"как можно было претворять такой план в 60 е 70 е и даже начале 80 х годов."?
Вы даже не в состоянии осознать вопрос)))
Наша беседа напоминает беседы Митрича и Лоханкина и смею заметить что я не Лоханкин... 8-))То, что мне плевать на ваши доводы тк они лишены опоры на факты и ничем не подкреплены не говорит то, что я что то непонимаю... Вы мыслите крайне примитивно как и дебил и пытаетесь всех опустить до своего уровня бани... Не надо, есть те, кто знает гораздо более вашего, но вы это не можете понять из-за ограниченности ваших взглядов
повторяю
"Если вы ответите что план Даллеса сработал потому что нынче есть всё о чем там говорится попробуйте ещё раз прикинуть КАК, КАКИМИ СПОСОБАМИ можно было осуществить такой план."
Демиург слился даже не попытавшись ответить "КАК, КАКИМИ СПОСОБАМИ можно было осуществить такой план"(ктобы сомневался)
А вы сумеете? без общих фраз про лазейки(толку то с этих щёлочек) и предателей(кстати а в принципе они могли план осуществить? если да то как?)
Вам вопрос напомнить?
"а в принципе они могли план осуществить? если да то как?"
Впрочем пока никто из верующих в план ничего вразумительного не ответил
ps Причём каким годом этот план датируется? конец 50х? и что до прихода Горбачёва четверть века ждали? даже не смешно
Deleted Жаль, что Даллес так и не узнал о своём плане
Дешёвая и не очень умная подделка КГБ. Впрочем, на умную, типа "Протоколов Сионских мудрецов", КГБ не потянул.
Люди чаще глупы. Патриоты типа обрящего - глупы беспробудно. Даллес пишет план, публикует его, КГБ и руководство СССР читают план и как бараны разваливают страну. Думать так могут только действительно бараны. И чего стоит страна, которую можно развалить по бумажке? Только того, что её можно объявить краем непуганных идиотов. И они никак не вымрут, а продолжают учить наизусть План Даллеса...
Первая знаменитая подделка на Руси - "Велесова книга". Слово о полку Игореве "сгорело" на пожаре на следующий день, как с него сделали список...
Проект то засекреееченный, дебил!) Но нет ничего тайного, что могло быть...
Для ДеБиллофф в оригинале! Ссылки Запрещены! pport on the part of the various competing political elements among the present Russian opposition groups. It will be almost impossible for us to avoid doing things which would have the effect of favoring one or another of these groups over its rivals. But a great deal will depend on ourselves, and on our concept of what we are trying to accomplish.
We have already seen that among the existing and potential opposition groups there is none which we will wish to sponsor entirely and for whose actions, if it were to obtain power in Russia, we would wish to take responsibility.
On the other hand, we must expect that vigorous efforts will be made by various groups to induce us to take measures in Russian internal affairs which will constitute a genuine commitment on our part and make it possible for political groups in Russia to continue to demand our support. In the light of these facts, it is plain then we must make a. determined effort to avoid taking responsibility for deciding who would rule Russia in the wake of a disintegration of the Soviet regime. Our best course would be to permit all the exiled elements to return to Russia as rapidly as possible and to see to it, in so far as this depends on us, that they are all given roughly equal opportunity to establish their bids for power. Our basic position must be that in the final analysis the Russian people will have to make their own choices, and that we do not intend to influence those choices. We should therefore avoid having proteges, and should try to see to it that all of the competing groups receive facilities for putting their case to the Russian people through the media of public information. It is probable that there will be violence between these groups. Even in this instance, we should not interfere unless our military interests are affected or unless there should be an attempt on the part of one group to establish its authority by large-scale and savage repression along totalitarian lines, affecting not just the opposing political leaders but the mass of the population itself.
6. THE PROBLEM OF "DE-COMMUNIZATION"
In any territory which is freed of Soviet rule, we will be faced with the problem of the human remnants of the Soviet apparatus of power.
It is probable that in the event of an orderly withdrawal of Soviet forces from present Soviet territory, the local communist party apparatus would go underground, as it did in the areas taken by the Germans during the recent war. It would then probably reemerge in part in the form of partisan bands and guerrilla forces. To this extent, the problem of dealing with it would be a relatively simple one; for we would need only to give the necessary arms and military support to whatever non-communist Russian authority might control the area and permit that authority to deal with the communist bands through the traditionally thorough procedures of Russian civil war.
A more difficult problem would be presented by minor communist party members or officials who might be uncovered and apprehended, or who might throw themselves on the mercy of our forces or of whatever Russian authority existed in the territory.
Here, again, we should refrain from taking upon ourselves the responsibility of disposing of these people or of giving direct orders to the local authorities as to how to do so. We would have a right to insist that they be disarmed and that they not come into leading positions in government unless they had given clear evidence of a genuine change of heart. Bul basically this must remain a problem for whatever Russian authority may take the place of the communist regime. We may be sure that such an authority will be more capable than we ourselves would be to judge the danger which ex-communists would present to the security of the new regime, and to dispose of them in such ways as to prevent their being harmful in the future. Our main concern should be to see that no communist regime, as such, is re-established in areas which we have once liberated and which we have decided should remain liberated from communist control. Beyond that, we should be careful not to become entangled in the problem of "de-communization."
The basic reason for this is that the political processes of Russia are strange and inscrutable. They contain nothing that is simple, and nothing that can be taken for granted. Rarely, if ever, are the colors straight black or white. The present communist apparatus of power probably embraces a large proportion of those persons who are fitted by training and inclination to take part in the processes of government, Any new regime will probably have to utilize the services of many of these people in order to be able to govern at all. Furthermore, we are incapable of assessing in each individual case the motives which have brought individuals in Russia into association with the communist movement. We are also incapable of assessing the degree to which such association will appear discreditable or criminal to other Russians, in retrospect. It would be dangerous for us to proceed on the basis of any fixed assumptions in such matters. We must always remember that to be the subject of persecution at the hands of a foreign government inevitably makes local martyrs out of persons who might otherwise only have been the objects of ridicule.
We would be wiser, therefore, in the case of territories freed from communist control, to restrict ourselves to seeing to it that individual ex-communists do not have the opportunity to reorganize as armed groups with pretenses to political power and that the local non-communist authority is given plenty of arms and help in any measures which they may desire to take with respect to them.
We may say, therefore, that we would not make it our aim to carry out with our own forces, on territory liberated from the communist authorities, aпy large-scale program of de-communication, and that In general we would leave this problem to whatever local authority might supplant Soviet rule.
Прошу обратить внимание на вторую строчку, особенно дебилам! Ссылки Запрещены! pport on the part of the various competing political elements among the present Russian opposition groups. It will be almost impossible for us to avoid doing things which would have the effect of favoring one or another of these groups over its rivals. But a great deal will depend on ourselves, and on our concept of what we are trying to accomplish.
We have already seen that among the existing and potential opposition groups there is none which we will wish to sponsor entirely and for whose actions, if it were to obtain power in Russia, we would wish to take responsibility.
On the other hand, we must expect that vigorous efforts will be made by various groups to induce us to take measures in Russian internal affairs which will constitute a genuine commitment on our part and make it possible for political groups in Russia to continue to demand our support. In the light of these facts, it is plain then we must make a. determined effort to avoid taking responsibility for deciding who would rule Russia in the wake of a disintegration of the Soviet regime. Our best course would be to permit all the exiled elements to return to Russia as rapidly as possible and to see to it, in so far as this depends on us, that they are all given roughly equal opportunity to establish their bids for power. Our basic position must be that in the final analysis the Russian people will have to make their own choices, and that we do not intend to influence those choices. We should therefore avoid having proteges, and should try to see to it that all of the competing groups receive facilities for putting their case to the Russian people through the media of public information. It is probable that there will be violence between these groups. Even in this instance, we should not interfere unless our military interests are affected or unless there should be an attempt on the part of one group to establish its authority by large-scale and savage repression along totalitarian lines, affecting not just the opposing political leaders but the mass of the population itself.
6. THE PROBLEM OF "DE-COMMUNIZATION"
In any territory which is freed of Soviet rule, we will be faced with the problem of the human remnants of the Soviet apparatus of power.
It is probable that in the event of an orderly withdrawal of Soviet forces from present Soviet territory, the local communist party apparatus would go underground, as it did in the areas taken by the Germans during the recent war. It would then probably reemerge in part in the form of partisan bands and guerrilla forces. To this extent, the problem of dealing with it would be a relatively simple one; for we would need only to give the necessary arms and military support to whatever non-communist Russian authority might control the area and permit that authority to deal with the communist bands through the traditionally thorough procedures of Russian civil war.
A more difficult problem would be presented by minor communist party members or officials who might be uncovered and apprehended, or who might throw themselves on the mercy of our forces or of whatever Russian authority existed in the territory.
Here, again, we should refrain from taking upon ourselves the responsibility of disposing of these people or of giving direct orders to the local authorities as to how to do so. We would have a right to insist that they be disarmed and that they not come into leading positions in government unless they had given clear evidence of a genuine change of heart. Bul basically this must remain a problem for whatever Russian authority may take the place of the communist regime. We may be sure that such an authority will be more capable than we ourselves would be to judge the danger which ex-communists would present to the security of the new regime, and to dispose of them in such ways as to prevent their being harmful in the future. Our main concern should be to see that no communist regime, as such, is re-established in areas which we have once liberated and which we have decided should remain liberated from communist control. Beyond that, we should be careful not to become entangled in the problem of "de-communization."
The basic reason for this is that the political processes of Russia are strange and inscrutable. They contain nothing that is simple, and nothing that can be taken for granted. Rarely, if ever, are the colors straight black or white. The present communist apparatus of power probably embraces a large proportion of those persons who are fitted by training and inclination to take part in the processes of government, Any new regime will probably have to utilize the services of many of these people in order to be able to govern at all. Furthermore, we are incapable of assessing in each individual case the motives which have brought individuals in Russia into association with the communist movement. We are also incapable of assessing the degree to which such association will appear discreditable or criminal to other Russians, in retrospect. It would be dangerous for us to proceed on the basis of any fixed assumptions in such matters. We must always remember that to be the subject of persecution at the hands of a foreign government inevitably makes local martyrs out of persons who might otherwise only have been the objects of ridicule.
We would be wiser, therefore, in the case of territories freed from communist control, to restrict ourselves to seeing to it that individual ex-communists do not have the opportunity to reorganize as armed groups with pretenses to political power and that the local non-communist authority is given plenty of arms and help in any measures which they may desire to take with respect to them.
We may say, therefore, that we would not make it our aim to carry out with our own forces, on territory liberated from the communist authorities, aпy large-scale program of de-communication, and that In general we would leave this problem to whatever local authority might supplant Soviet rule.
(с)
Велесова книга и Слово о полку... тоже живее всех живых!
вы лишний раз показали что верящий во всякую хрень неспособен здраво рассуждать и видеть несуразности своей веры.
Можете дальше в ответ на вопрос как "план" от 48 года могли тогда осуществить рассказывать о "предательстве " Горбачёва...
